Markets & price theory: how consumers and producers specialize, produce, and exchange within given, well-functioning markets (and politics)
Assumes the existence of "good" economic and political institutions that facilitate market exchange
Raguram Rajan
1963-
"And there is hope, supported by a growing body of research, that more students of development are realizing that a better starting point for analysis than a world with only minor blemishes may be a world where nothing is enforceable, property and individual rights are totally insecure, and the enforcement apparatus for every contract must be derived from first principles - as in the world that Hobbes so vividly depicted. Not only will this kind of work more closely approximate reality in the poorest, conflict-ridden countries, but it could also lead to more sensible policy", (p.56).
Rajan, Raghuram, 2004, "Assume Anarchy?," Finance and Development September: 56-57
"New Institutional Economics" (1970s-): focus on the importance of institutions, economic history, transactions costs, and economic organization in understanding economics
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Ronald Coase | Douglass North | Elinor Ostrom | Oliver Williamson |
1910-2013 | 1920-2015 | 1933-2012 | 1932- |
Economics Nobel 1991 | Economics Nobel 1993 | Economics Nobel 2009 | Economics Nobel 2009 |
The Knowledge Problem: How to coordinate the tacit, fragmented knowledge of opportunities and conditions dispersed across millions of individuals (and accessible to none in total) in order to maximize the ability of individuals to achieve their goals
The Knowledge Problem: How to coordinate the tacit, fragmented knowledge of opportunities and conditions dispersed across millions of individuals (and accessible to none in total) in order to maximize the ability of individuals to achieve their goals
The Incentives Problem: How to structure incentives that individuals face in a way that maximizes cooperative behavior (voluntary exchange and association) and minimizes non-cooperative behavior (cheating, opportunism, exploitation, violence, rent-seeking)
We need to find arrangements that are robust to knowledge & incentive problems
Easy case: perfect information benevolence
Hard case: uncertainty and selfish behavior
Treat people as they are: sometimes good, bad, smart, stupid, opportunistic, altruistic depending on the institutions
Economists often recommend optimal policies that could be installed by a benevolent despot
In reality, 1st-best policies are distorted by the knowledge problem, the incentives problem, and politics
Compare imperfections of feasible and relevant alternative systems
Economics: think on the margin!
Adam Smith
1723-1790
"[Though] he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention…By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it," (Book IV, Chapter 2.9).
Smith, Adam, 1776, An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations
"[Though] he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention…By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it," (Book IV, Chapter 2.9).
Smith, Adam, 1776, An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations
"[Though] he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention…By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it," (Book IV, Chapter 2.9).
Smith, Adam, 1776, An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations
Douglass C. North
1920-2015
Economics Nobel 1993
"Institutions are the humanly devised constraints that structure political economic and social interaction. They consist of both informal constraints (sanctions, taboos, customs, traditions, and codes of conduct), and formal rules (constitutions, laws, property rights)", (p.10)
"Institutions are the rules of the game in a society", (p.1).
North, Douglass C, (1991), "Institutions," Journal of Economic Perspectives 5(1): 97-112.
North, Douglass C, (1990), Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance
"Who needs this nail?"
"Don't worry about it! The main thing is that we immediately fulfilled the plan for nails!
Joseph Schumpeter
1883-1950
"Capitalism...is by nature a form of economic change and not only never is but never can be stationary...The essential point to grasp is that in dealing with capitalism we are dealing with an evolutionary process.," (pp.82).
"[I]n capitalist reality as distinguished from its textbook picture, it is not that kind of competition which counts but the competition from the new commodity, the new technology, the new source of supply, the new type of organization...competition which commands a decisive cost or quality advantage which strikes not at the margins of the profits and the outputs of the existing firms but at their foundations and their very lives." (p.132).
Schumpeter, Joseph A, (1947), Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy
Joseph Schumpeter
1883-1950
"Industrial mutation--if I may use that biological term—that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one. This process of Creative Destruction is the essential fact about capitalism. It is what capitalism consists in and what every capitalist concern has got to live in" (p.83).
Schumpeter, Joseph A, (1947), Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy
59 years of progress
Markets serve consumers (consumer sovereignty), not workers or producers!
Successful market economies produce wealth and destroy jobs
Economic growth ≡ more output with fewer inputs!
A political problem: how do producers permit the destructive side of creative destruction?
π=pq⏟revenues−(wl+rk)⏟costs
The firm's costs are all of the factor-owner's incomes!
Profits are the residual value leftover after paying all factors
Profits are income for the residual claimant(s) of the production process (i.e. owner(s) of a firm):
π=pq⏟revenues−(wl+rk)⏟costs
Residual claimants have incentives to maximize firm's profits, as this maximizes their own income
Entrepreneurs and shareholders are the only participants in production that are not guaranteed an income!
In markets, production must face the profit test:
Profits are an indication that value is being created for society
Losses are an indication that value is being destroyed for society
Survival for sellers in markets requires firms continually create value and earn profits or die
Production generates economic surplus
In a competitive market in long run equilibrium, economic profit is driven to $0.
Some assumptions to make the graph simple: C(q)=aq∀a∈R+, i.e. the firm has no fixed costs, and constant marginal costs. See more information here.
Adam Smith
1723-1790
"People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices," (Book I, Chapter 22).
Smith, Adam, 1776, An Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations
Firms with market power will want to set q∗:MC(q)=MR(q) and raise price p∗
Still creates economic surplus
Some assumptions to make the graph simple: (C(q)=aq \quad \forall a \in \mathbf{R}^+)
, i.e. the firm has no fixed costs, and constant marginal costs. See more information here.
With differences between firms, long-run equilibrium p=AC(q)min of the marginal (highest-cost) firm
Inframarginal (lower-cost) firms earn economic rents: returns higher than their opportunity cost (what is needed to bring them online, p>AC(q)
Economic rents arise from relative differences between firms
Relatively scarce factors in the economy (talent, location, secrets, IP, licenses, being first, political favoritism, lobbying)
Inframarginal firms using the scarce factors gain a cost-advantage
It would seem these firms earn profits as other firms have higher costs
But what will happen to the prices for the scarce factors?
Rents ≠ profits!
Rival firms willing to pay for rent-generating factor to gain advantage
Rents are included in the opportunity cost (price) for inputs
Firm does not earn the rents, they raise firm's costs and squeeze out profits!
Factor owners (workers, landowners, inventors, etc) earn the rents as higher payments for their services (wages, rents, interest, royalties, etc).
David Ricardo
1772-1823
Marginal product of land would fall to 0, requiring more and more labor and capital to scrape off marginal land
Ricardian rents describe these excess returns due to scarcity
William Baumol
1922-2017
"If entrepreneurs are defined, simply, to be persons who are ingenious and creative in finding ways that add to their own wealth, power, and prestige, then it is to be expected that not all of them will be overly concerned with whether an activity that achieves these goals adds...to the social product," (pp897-898).
"The rules of the game that determine the relative payoffs to different entrepreneurial activities do change dramatically from one time and place to another. Entrepreneurial behavior changes direction from one economy to another in a manner that corresponds to the variations in the rules of the game," (p.898).
Baumol, William J, (1990), "Entrepreneurship: Productive, Unproductive, and Destructive," Journal of Political Economy 98(5): 893-921
Productive entrepreneurship
Profits from serving customers
Unproductive entrepreneurship
Rents from political privileges
Destructive entrepreneurship
Loot from theft and violence
Profit-Seeking | Rent-Seeking |
---|---|
"market entrepreneurs" | "political entrepreneurs" |
hire engineers | hire lawyers |
use own/investor funds | use taxpayer funds |
sell to consumers | sell to the State |
face the profit test | don't face the profit test |
earn profits or losses | earn rents |
create surplus for consumers | creates artificial protection from competition |
hopes to capture some of that surplus | captures rents from that artificial protection |
Robert Fulton
Fulson, Burton, (2010), The Myth of the Robber Barons: A New Look at the Rise of Big Business in America, 6th ed.
Edward Gibbons
Cornelius Vanderbilt
Fulson, Burton, (2010), The Myth of the Robber Barons: A New Look at the Rise of Big Business in America, 6th ed.
John Marshall
1755-1835
"A right over [licenses and patents] has never been pretended to in any instance except as incidental to the exercise of some other unquestionable power. The present is an instance of the assertion of that kind, as incidental to a municipal power; that of superintending the internal concerns of a State, and particularly of extending protection and patronage, in the shape of a monopoly, to genius and enterprise. The grant to Livingston and Fulton interferes with the freedom of intercourse, and on this principle, its constitutionality is contested.(p. 22 US 229)
"If there was any one object riding over every other in the adoption of the Constitution, it was to keep the commercial intercourse among the States free from all invidious and partial restraints," (p. 22 US 231)
Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1 (1824) Justia Case Law
"A country's most talented people typically organize production by others, so they can spread their ability advantage over a larger scale. When they start firms, they innovate and foster growth, but when they become rent seekers, they only redistribute wealth and reduce growth. Occupational choice depends on returns to ability and to scale in each sector, on market size, and on compensation contracts. In most countries, rent seeking rewards talent more than entrepreneurship does, leading to stagnation. Our evidence shows that countries with a higher proportion of engineering college majors grows faster; wheras countries with a higher proportion of law concentrators grow more slowly," (p. 503)
Murphy, Kevin M, Andrei Shleifer, and Robert M. Vishny, (1991). "The Allocation of Talent: Implications for Growth," Quarterly Journal of Economics 106(2): 503-530
Murphy, Kevin M, Andrei Shleifer, and Robert M. Vishny, (1991). "The Allocation of Talent: Implications for Growth," Quarterly Journal of Economics 106(2): 503-530
Think of an economic rent as a "prize," the payment a person receives for a good above its opportunity cost
Creating rents creates competition for the rents, causing people to invest resources in rent-seeking
The cost of the rent is not just the rent itself, but the resources invested in rent-seeking!
Political authorities intervene in markets in various ways that benefit some groups at the expense of everyone else
These interventions create economic rents for their beneficiaries by reducing competition
This is a transfer of wealth from consumers/taxpayers to politically-favored groups
The transfer is not the worst of it
The real problem is you cannot give away money for free even if you tried!
The promise of earning a rent breeds competition over the rents (rent-seeking)
Anne Kreuger
1934-
"In many market-oriented economies, government restrictions upon economic activity are pervasive facts of life. These restrictions give rise to rents of a variety of forms, and people often compete for the rents. Sometimes, such competition is perfectly legal. In other instances, rent seeking takes other forms, such as bribery, corruption, smuggling, and black markets."
"When quantitative restrictions are imposed upon and effectively constrain imports, an import license is a valuable commodity...It has always been recognized that there are some costs associated with licensing: paperwork, the time spent by entrepreneurs in obtaining their licenses, the cost of the administrative apparatus necessary to issue licenses, and so on. Here, the argument is carried one step further: in many circumstances resources are devoted to competing for those licenses," (p.848).
Kreuger, Anne, (1974), "The Political Economy of the Rent-Seeking Society," American Economic Review 84(4): 833-850
Kreuger, Anne, (1974), "The Political Economy of the Rent-Seeking Society," American Economic Review 84(4): 833-850
The monopoly profits earned with market power are an economic rent
What if the market power is earned through political lobbying for an anti-competitive regulation?
The monopoly profits earned with market power are an economic rent
What if the market power is earned through political lobbying for an anti-competitive regulation?
Firm(s) willing to invest resources into the "competitive market" of creating and maintaining economic rents
Total loss to society =DWL+Rent-seeking (of all competitors!)
Gordon Tullock
1922-2014
"The rectangle to the left of the [Deadweight loss] triangle is the income transfer that a successful monopolist can extort from the customers. Surely we should expect that with a prize of this size dangling before our eyes, potential monopolists would be willing to invest large resources in the activity of monopolizing. In fact the investment that could be profitably made in forming a monopoly would be larger than this rectangle, since it represents merely the income transfer," (p.231).
Tullock, Gordon, (1967), "The Welfare Cost of Tariffs, Monopolies, and Theft," Western Economic Journal 5(3): 224-232.
Gordon Tullock
1922-2014
"Entrepreneurs should be willing to invest resources in attempts to form a monopoly until the marginal cost equals the properly discounted return. The potential customers would also be interested in preventing the transfer and should be willing to make large investments to that end. Once the monopoly is formed, continual efforts to either break the monopoly or muscle into it would be predictable. Here again considerable resources might be invested. The holders of the monopoly, on the other hand, would be willing to put quite sizable sums into the defense of their power to receive these transfers," (p.231).
Tullock, Gordon, (1967), "The Welfare Cost of Tariffs, Monopolies, and Theft," Western Economic Journal 5(3): 224-232.
George Stigler
1911-1991
Economics Nobel 1982
"[A]s a rule, regulation is acquired by the industry and is designed and operated primarily for its benefits," (p.3).
Stigler, George J, (1971), "The Theory of Economic Regulation," Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science 3:3-21
The Rievers (1969) based on William Faulkner’s (1962) book
Executive Constraints: A measure of the extent of institutionalized constraints on the decision making powers of chief executives. The variable takes seven different values: (1) Unlimited authority(there are no regular limitations on the executive's actions, as distinct from irregular limitations such as the threat or actuality of coups and assassinations); (2) Intermediate category; (3) Slight to moderate limitation on executive authority (there are some real but limited restraints on the executive); (4) Intermediate category; (5) Substantial limitations on executive authority (the executive has more effective authority than any accountability group but is subject to substantial constraints by them); (6) Intermediate category; (7) Executive parity or subordination (accountability groups have effective authority equal to or greater than the executive in most areas of activity). This variable ranges from one to seven where higher values equal a greater extent of institutionalized constraints on the power of chief executives. This variable is calculated as the average from 1960 through 2000, or for specific years as needed in the tables. Source:Jaggers and Marshall (2000).
Glaesar, Edward L, Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, and Andrei Shleifer, 2004, "Do Institutions Cause Growth?" Journal of Economic Growth 9: 271-303
Expropriation Risk: Risk of "outright confiscation and forced nationalization" of property. This variable ranges from zero to ten where higher values are equals a lower probability of expropriation. This variable is calculated as the average from 1982 through 1997, or for specific years as needed in the tables. Source: International Country Risk Guide at http://www.countrydata.com/datasets/.
Glaesar, Edward L, Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, and Andrei Shleifer, 2004, "Do Institutions Cause Growth?" Journal of Economic Growth 9: 271-303
Autocracy: A measure of the degree of autocracy in a given country based on: (1) the competitiveness of political participation; (2) the regulation of political participation; (3) the openness and competitiveness of executive recruitment; and (4) constraints on the chief executive. This variable ranges from zero to ten where higher values equal a higher degree of institutionalized autocracy. This variable is calculated as the average from 1960 through 2000, or for specific years as needed in the tables. Source:J aggers and Marshall (2000).
Glaesar, Edward L, Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, and Andrei Shleifer, 2004, "Do Institutions Cause Growth?" Journal of Economic Growth 9: 271-303
Government effectiveness: This variable measures the quality of public service provision, the quality of the bureaucracy, the competence of civil servants, the independence of the civil service from political pressures, and the credibility of the government's commitment to policies. The main focus of this index is on "inputs" required for the government to be able to produce and implement good policies and deliver public goods. This variable ranges from −2.5 to 2.5 where higher values equal higher government effectiveness. This variable is measured as the average from 1998 through 2000. Source: Kaufman et al. (2003).
Glaesar, Edward L, Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, and Andrei Shleifer, 2004, "Do Institutions Cause Growth?" Journal of Economic Growth 9: 271-303
Politics: process by which society chooses rules that will govern it
AJR1:
Economic performance ← economic institutions ← politics ← political institutions ← distribution of political power
1 The colloquial term for "Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson" who frequently collaborate together on these issues!
Extractive Institutions/Colonies
Inclusive Institutions/Colonies
Strong feedback loops:
under extractive institutions, political & economic elite can structure institutions to maintain their wealth and power to extract rents at the expense of the population
under inclusive institutions, more equitable distribution of wealth and power, competition prevents any one group from creating and maintaining enough rents to exert control
institutions are maintained by elites who control power, choose economic institutions with few constraints or opposing forces to them!
Why would elites ever permit reform?
Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson, 2006, "Institutions as a Fundamental Cause of Long-Run Growth," Handbook of Economic Growth, Phillippe Aghion and Steven N. Durlauf, eds., pp.385-414
The "Luddites" destroying power looms in early 19th century Britain
"There are problems with this story, however. First, despite the intuitive appeal of the idea, there are relatively few instances where major economic changewas blockedby economic losers. Mokyr (1990) emphasizes the attemptsof many skilled artisansto block the introduction of new machines.The most famous example is the Luddites,skilled weavers who were thrown out of work by mechanization. Interestingly, however, many of these groups, including the Luddites, were ultimately unable to block economic progress. Equally important, the economic-losers hypothesis relies on the presumption that certain groups have the political power to block innovation. But if so, why not use this power to simply tax the gains generated by the introductionof the new technology? This might be because there are limits on the nature of fiscal instruments,though it seems plausible that groups with sufficient political power to block innovationwould be able subsequentlyto lobby effectively for redistribution. A more important reason, however, may be that the introductionof new technology, and economic change more generally, may simultaneously affect the distributionof political power," (126).
Acemoglu, Daron and James A. Robinson, 2000, "Political Losers as a Barrier to Economic Development," American Economic Review 90(2): 126-130
"We arguethatthe effect of economic change on political power is a key factor in determining whether technological advances and beneficial economic changes will be blocked. In other words, we propose a "political-loser hypothesis." We argue that it is groupswhose political power (not economic rents) is eroded who will block technological advances.If agents are economic losers but have no political power, they cannot impede technological progress. If they have and maintain political power (i.e., are not political losers), then they have no incentive to block progress.It is therefore agents who have political power and fear losing it who will have incentives to block. Our analysis suggests that we should look more to the nature of political institutions and the determinants of the distribution of political power if we want to understand technological backwardness," (pp.126-127)
Acemoglu, Daron and James A. Robinson, 2000, "Political Losers as a Barrier to Economic Development," American Economic Review 90(2): 126-130
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